On Finding China

    A lone traveler in the crowded Beijing subway I make my way down the blue Line 10.  14 stops later I transfer from Guomao and fly down red Line 1 to my final destination Babaoshan.  Music blasting from my Ipod I dance in place passing the forty-five minute commute, but as I reach the end of the line I take out my headphones and wait for the doors to open.  I along with the families, couples, and other lone travelers have made the trek to Babaoshan Revolutionary Cemetary for the Qingming Festival or Sweeping of the Graves Holiday.  When I was younger, my mother would take me once a year to visit my grandmother’s grave in the Chicago Chinese cemetery on the anniversary of her passing.  We would stop at a Chinatown store, aisles brimming with incense, oranges, and paper money.  My aunt would buy a package of Virginia slims and white chocolate, two of my grandmother’s favorite things.  My mother would purchase Asian lilies, my grandmother’s favorite flowers.  At the gravesite my aunts would clean the dirt off the flower vase, put the flowers in the vase, and straighten up the tombstone.  My aunt would smoke one of the Virginia slims and put it out on the gravestone.  After my family said a few words aloud or in silence the white chocolate and cigarettes would be laid on the gravestone and we would leave.

As a third generation Chinese American, I am often surprised here in Beijing how some Chinese customs are still a part of me and my childhood.  Like my visit to my grandmother’s gravestone, during the Qingming spring festival the Chinese visit their ancestors at their grave sites.  The family cleans the grave, brings food offerings, and plants flowers.  The Chinese bow three times in line with the belief that when a person dies their spirit splits, part of their spirit goes to heaven or hell depending on the person’s actions on earth but the other part stays among the living to be called upon by the family in times of need.  The burning of candles opens a communication gateway between ancestors‘ spirits and the living.  During the incense burning the family prays. The burning of paper money/clothes,etc. allows the transfer of items from the mortal world to the ancestor’s world.  When the candles burn down the family can eat the food with the ancestors.

Babaoshan Revolutionary Cemetary is Beijing’s resting place for the highest-ranking government officials and revolutionary heroes.  Though I encourage you to understand more about the politics of who is buried at Babaoshan – that is not my story.  For me this is a story about honoring the dead and seeing the living.

When I exited the subway line I saw massive tents selling flowers, oranges, massive stones, figurines, and other offerings for the ancestors.  I followed families carrying flowers to find my way to the cemetery.  Outside the cemetery volunteers were handing out white flowers to be given to the dead.  Inside the cemetery I could see the flowers adorning the graves and the food that was left out for the ancestors.
On an intellectual level one could be critical of the fact that I was observing such an intimate act as families mourning and honoring their dead but the truth is I felt as if I was participating in Qingming.  In coming to Qingming I was honoring and remembering my ancestors as well.
At Babaoshan I was touched by the elder generation on the canes and wheelchairs, being helped by younger family members, and visiting the graves of the deceased.  Throughout the cemetery I saw people carried metal buckets filled with water to the gravestone.   With a brush, one person would dust off the grave and water would be poured over it in a cleaning process.  At some gravestones people would repaint the engravings in red or gold paint.  I could smell the incense burning.  Chinese music on a handheld radio floated through the air.  After the grave had been cleaned some families sat near the grave and ate food.  Food was almost always left at the site uneaten for the ancestors to enjoy.  Yellow ribbons were tied on trees and on the Chinese foo dogs to guard against mischievous ghosts from taking the offerings.  The image of one family in particular left an impression on me.  This one family had three generations present at the gravesite.  The family members formed a sort of circle around the grave.  At the periphery stood a young boy and his father.  The young boy in his Columbia jacket and his father’s arms wrapped around him, the two were silent.  But as the entire family performed the three traditional bows I could feel my own eyes watering.  The image is such a powerful one that it brings me back to my grandmother’s funeral where the elder generation would do the symbolic three bows as a deep sign of respect.  And as quickly as the three bows were performed the older man called Zou ba “Let’s go” and the family quietly left the gravesite.

Because Beijing is a global city it has been challenging at times to get at its truth and understand its culture firsthand.  For me Qingming was a turning point – seeing the Chinese traditions and families together I realized that I had been missing an essential part of the story.  The narratives of the rural migrant scholar who is the first in his family to study in Beijing, the street food vendor from Xinjiang who supports four children and a wife, the tailor who trained at 16 to make the traditional Asian qipao – I am listening now.  At times the language barrier is frustrating but it is not an excuse for me to stop trying to learn from these people.  For me it took Qingming – an event that honors the dead – to encourage me to start to get to know the living.

More links on Qingming
http://www.pbs.org/wnet/religionandethics/week1146/belief.html
http://www.washingtonpost.com/world/asia_pacific/qingming-festival-honors-chinas-dead/2012/04/04/gIQADM9rvS_gallery.html

Left Behind?

By Dhrusti Patel, Sagar Mehta, and Li Chen

After the colossal, awe-inspiring monuments on Tiananmen Square, we decided to continue our Beijing exploration towards Meishi Street. We hoped to find some remnants of the times before the street was torn down, some indication of the Meishi Jie that existed prior to 2004. However, the first alleyway off Meishi Street immediately caught our interest. Having spent two hours in an area with towering buildings, we were intrigued by the stark contrast we suddenly observed looking down this small, rundown alley. Finding no sign of the chai 拆character indicating whether this was a demolition site, we wondered, why was this street left out in the government’s plans to renovate? From its appearance, this alley clearly had “old and dilapidated housing”, which used to be a primary reason for demolition in and around the Old City. Walking down the small alley, we realized that it was in fact the backside of a line of high-end restaurants, including a recently built McDonalds and the famous Lao She Teahouse. This location had to be prime real estate. Yet on the opposite side of this alley were small, old, decrepit residential homes, including a tiny liquor store. Lacking the beautiful Chinese décor alluring customers into restaurants on the other side, the only attractive sign on this liquor store was the green standard liquor and tobacco sign. We could not understand why this area had not been demolished when it fit the double criteria of housing needing upgrading and prime real estate location.

As we wondered, we saw an elderly woman arguing with the garbage collection man on the street. Curious about the ruckus and uncertain whether we wanted to keep walking, we lingered around the area. After the ruckus was over, we approached the elderly woman, in part to ask her about the area but to also find out why she was arguing. It turns out that she was complaining to the workers of the restaurant, who were placing trash-filled bags outside in the back of the restaurant; the backside of the posh restaurant was only around five feet from her home. She complained that the trash juice spilled onto the road (and we saw the stains) and stunk up the area, making the area unpleasant and creating sanitary problems as well as negatively impacting her liquor store. Based on readings and Ou Ning’s Meishi Street, we had an idea of how development affected Old Beijingers whose homes were demolished and were thus forced to vacate. Only through our talk with this kind woman and her husband did we gain an understanding of an unexplored perspective, the impact of Beijing development projects on remaining Old Beijingers whose homes have not been demolished

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Mr. and Mrs. Chang have lived in their eight-square-meter house, the front of which is a liquor store, on Qianmenxihouheyan Jie for the past sixty years. When Mrs. Chang was a child, a river teeming with fish of all sizes flowed rapidly in front of her house and provided fresh water as well recreation and joy to the entire community. When she reminisces about the river, she describes children frolicking in the water and people fishing; “the fish was especially big,” she repeated over and over again. Mrs. Chang also talks about a wall not far from her house – she does not give the name but proudly states that “the wall” and “the river” were the cultural symbols of Old Beijing. At age fifteen, Mrs. Chang was sent by train to a rural province 3,000 kilometers away as part of the “Down to the Countryside Movement” during the Cultural Revolution. After spending ten years receiving “peasants’ education,” aka farming, she returned to her old home in Beijing to find the river covered up and wall torn down.  In place of the beautiful river she remembered stood a three-story shopping market and commercial teahouse.

According to Mrs. Chang, all the residents on the street have been hoping for years for the government to uncover the tiles laid upon the river. Although the government promised repeatedly that it would do so, the promise was never fulfilled (the shopping market became a pharmacy and last year was turned into a McDonalds). As much as Mrs. Chang hoped and imagined her river, she knew that the uncovering was not going to happen after all those years. Nevertheless, she and her husband – as well as her community – “would still be very willing to see the river uncovered and wall rebuilt again”.

The greatest concern for Mrs. Chang, however, is not the loss of her cultural heritage in the demolition of the wall and covering up of the river, but the poor conditions she and her husband must live with everyday. Chi, he, la, sa, douzaiyijian 吃喝拉撒,都在一间, which translates to eat, drink, poop, etc. all in one room, is the phrase she uses to describe their buxiangren 不像人(unlike human) and taikuazhang 太夸张(too ridiculous) living space. When asked what they wanted, they pointed to their house and enunciated firmly and clearly, chai le 拆了(demolish it). They wanted the government to tear down the house and rebuild on top of the plot, or tear down the house and move them to a different part of town; either way was fine as long as it provided them higher living standards. As we listened, we were very surprised to find a homeowner actively wanting her house to be demolished, especially after watching Ou Ning’s film Meishi Street. Unlike Zhang Jinli, who has a deep attachment to the physical space and the meaning he finds in the space, the Changs are much more concerned about physical living standards, perhaps because they have already lost what they thought held the most meaning – the river and the wall. Their daughter also no longer lived on the street – she had married and moved to a different part of Beijing with her husband. Despite three generations of history in their house, the Changs have their hearts set on a new house or moving out.

The Changs are not alone in their desire to chai their house; neighbors on the street who have also lived there for generations strongly echo this sentiment. Their discontent is aggravated by all the changes they see around Beijing and how everyone else is getting improvements and gengxin 更新 (renovation) but their street. Even in preparation for the Olympics, no changes occurred on their street except a small roof installed by the government. Only our area was left behind, Mrs. Chang said, and we are the closest neighborhood to TiananmenWe want them [the government] to come and see how the renmin人民 (people) actually live, in the heart of Beijing. In the front, everything looks beautiful and glamorous. But behind, this is how the people live. She complained that despite reporters bringing media attention, not a single official from the government has visited their area. In addition to dissatisfaction with the absence of state action, she finds the claims of journalists, who oppose demolition because they want to preserve Chinese culture, to be nonsensical and disadvantageous to the situation of her street. Where is the culture?, she points to a house and asks, Mei yo ba! (It doesn’t exist!) There’s no culture here. The only culture was in the wall and river, but those are not here. There is no culture in these structures. When inquired whether any other part of Beijing was worth preserving, she talked about an area with houses that famous people lived in the past.

At some point of our conversation, Mr. Chang, who had been sitting inside the house for most of the time, arose and asked us, “are you reporters?” We did the whole “no, we’re not reporters. We’re not from the government. We’re students from the US learning about China and Beijing…” spiel (essentially the same one we always gave in India), Mrs. Chang responded, Well, it doesn’t matter if you’re from the media. Everything we are saying is truth and fact. You can verify by what you see and see if facts match up with what we are saying.

She does not know too much about the other parts of Beijing, but does see changes occurring for the better in everywhere except her area. Why their area has been left behind is a “big question mark in the minds of the people,” she says.  I only know about what is around me and what concerns my daily life, she explains. Their [the government’s] business, 人民 (the people) do not know about.

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Just the next street gave us a completely different glimpse into the developing Beijing, one that fell more in line with what we’ve learned through our readings. Up and down the bustling street we observed better-off families and trendy people strolling by, kids gathered around the street-side playing card games, and even a few other tourists passing by. Situated along the sides were several noticeably improved buildings, such as fancy two-story restaurants, a deceivingly large grocery shop, a tourist office, and even a public bathroom. Yet we also witnessed several demolished land plots alongside the more established buildings.

To understand the history of this street and relate this newfound knowledge to the contrasts of the first street, we approached an elderly female who operated a smaller, older eatery. Thanks to Li’s language abilities, we were able to uncover the history of the street through her eyes. Apparently the government had planned to widen the road, which requires the demolition of all buildings. The government offered compensation to the families; those who accepted the compensation (about one-third of the street’s families) relocated, explaining the scattered demolished land plots we observed. The other two-thirds of the families refused to take the compensation, convinced that their estates are worth much more. According to the restaurant owner, the government does not have enough money to invest in this particular project at the moment; therefore the development plan is on hold. The woman wants five million yuan for her house and made clear how much she detests being relocated to the 5th or 6th ring road, to where she believes the other families are being moved.

This story resonates with the readings we’ve covered in class as well as with the documentary Meishi Street, in which the government slowly forced out long-inhabited local residents to build new projects. It is interesting to note, however, that the families on this side street were able to demand more money and thereby stall the government’s plans – at least according to the woman, who was very defiant of the development plan and convinced that their holdout for greater monetary compensation would work indefinitely. This contrasts greatly with our perceptions of the all-powerful and unstoppable Chinese state. We are not sure why the government apparently doesn’t have enough money for its plan, but the woman’s account provided no other explanation. We are also unaware of why the government decided to develop this street but not Qianmenxihouheyan Jie, which is right next door and even closer to Tiananmen.

Both families treated us warmly and eagerly shared their experiences with us. Yet despite being only one street apart, they were exposed to completely different circumstances and, as a result, developed completely different outlooks on their livelihood aspirations. At first, we figured the root of the problem might be that the first couple didn’t have as strong of a social network as the restaurant woman did, but upon further analysis of the couple’s responses, this is not true: the residents of Qianmenxihouheyan Jie relied on each other as neighbors and friends all their lives. Another explanation we considered was that the original family felt left behind. Despite development not always being a prized reward, seeing it occur all around and the standard of living rise accordingly must be discomforting, making it difficult to continue living in the same conditions as one had fifty years ago. Perhaps for the first couple, their prime location wasn’t worth this lag in standard of living. Perhaps for the next restaurant woman, with her busy restaurant looking out over a bustling street, the location’s value outscores the lag in standard of living. One more reason related to the last could be the street layout itself and the competing businesses. As previously mentioned, the restaurant woman seemed to have plenty of customers and public services, including proximity to a public bathroom. On Qianmenxihouheyan Jie, the Changs’ store is very small, overshadowed by huge buildings, and seems to service only local regulars. Perhaps due to this, the couple was seeking an improved standard of living that could feasibly only involve relocation.

Purchasing Beauty

Enter any beauty section of a department or grocery store in Beijing and I am confident you will find the following: Pond’s White Beauty.  Garnier Skin Naturals: True White.  Wonder Eyelid Tape.  Surgical and Beauty Tape for Sensitive Skin.

The desire for creased eyelids and white skin is a product of an obsession for White Western beauty.  In a Beijing beauty store my friend looked horrified at the selling of surgical tape to create double eyelids and I was embarrassed at how common I found this – a practice I knew about growing up.  I have come to realize that beauty is not a homogenous image but at the same time I am keenly aware of who does and does not have double eyelids. Walking around Beijing the images of women send a singular message.  If possible beauty is white non-Asian beauty.  Beauty is double-eyelids.  Beauty is pale white skin.  Beauty is a thin petite frame.

With a growing economy, the Vice Health Minister of China Ma Xiaowei was quoted saying, “In just a decade, cosmetic and plastic surgery has become the fourth most popular way to spend discretionary income in China.”  In the US I am always surprised at the number of Asian American women I know who have casually gone under the knife to get creased eyelids.  A recent New York Times article “For Many Chinese, New Wealth and a Fresh Face” reports that two fifths of Chinese plastic surgery patients are in their 20s and the leading surgery requested is double eyelid surgery.   What the article fails to address is the type of beauty that Chinese women and society is pushing through.

That being said, I do not think that Asian markets have strictly cornered impossible standards of beauty.  How many times have I heard undergraduate women say they need to go to the gym to burn off a large meal or the American woman who is congratulated on having stomach flu and her thin appearance.  In India I also came across skin whiteners and bleaching products in cosmetic stores.  It all begs the question to what end does recreating beauty advantage a woman and to what extent does she decide that beauty is in the eye of its beholder?  To what extent is she creating beauty to satisfy herself and to what end is she satisfying others’ expectations?

On the Roads: Avenue, Alley, and Street

As a fourteen-year-old, it would have been wrong to visit Beijing without setting steps on TianAnMen Square, taking a photo with Mao’s portrait, and entering the Forbidden city.  I was dumbstruck and awed by the expansive space that was once occupied by emperors and revolutionaries.  Yet, what I took home in my memories was a trail of twelve rhombus shaped kites with swallows painted on them.  Selling for barely a dollar, the street vendors and the row of fluttering swallows somehow seemed so out of place.

Seven years later, my third time at TianAnMen, I have lost all desire to tour the Forbidden City while listening to a guided historical recording.  The Square does not feel as expansive or as foreign as it once did.  This time, we walk south toward QianMen and enter into QianMenDaJie, hoping for a living tour of the past hinted by the architecture.  Upon arrival and close inspection, it is easy to see that the street is created for consumerism.  There are shops for trinkets, bangles, Starbucks, Beijing duck, and more.  The street is spacious in width and length with a trolley track running through the center.  Most people strolling through the streets leave with a rectangular shopping bag.

Before we could travel the whole length, we veer a right into DaZhaLan.  The lights glitter and blar from all heights and angles, as if we have walked into a New York Chinatown.  Each sign speaks of food, and people stand outside the eateries trying to entice and convince passerby, like us, to enter.  This is a place where people would gather to eat in homey little groups -to sit for a few hours savoring food together and chat while sipping wine or beer from small porcelain cups.

We deflect from their persuasions and continue walking through the crowd, meandering into a hutong. The road is silent and dark, except for the bit of light scattering into the unpaved road from small local diners, grocery shops, or quaint hair salons.  Pulling a camera out feels like a forbidden act which would clearly brand someone as an outsider to the discerning locals.    There is nothing flashy or coercive, but each area is enticingly calling for exploration, investigations, inquiry, and conversation.  The hutongs are the root of what being local means.  At the end, I turn to snap one picture, before entering MeiShiJie.

It is hard to imagine that MeiShiJie was once a hutong, now lost.  The street is wider and cleaner, no longer dusty and dilapidated, as it was in the documentary film “MeiShiJie Street”.  People no longer gather to observe others and converse on the streets as they once did when they belonged to the same community. Instead, the street has been transformed into a mix between QianMenDaJie and DaZhaLan, with its commercialized shops and unexpected Chinese eateries that serve hot pot and donkey meat.  Looking at the demolished and reconstructed MeiShiJie is like seeing the stump of a chopped tree.  The disappearance of the local, and the loss of lives and communities that had once existed in these spaces is apparent.  Like the stump of a tree, there seems to be no more possible further development, unless the area is demolished once more, because no more expansion or growth seems possible since the space is once more cluttered with buildings and shops that cater more to the global population than what was once the local Chinese.  Although it has only been four years, the street is already beginning to look used and worn. At night, the streets molds back into an old hutong atmosphere, where the locals gather.  It seems to transform back into the old hutongs, like underground roots still vying for life.  How long will they remain before rotting away?

Returning back to the TianAnMenDong subway station, I still see the vendors selling the trail of fluttering kites, and I still want one.  I approach and discover that my swallows have been replaced by the Beijing Olympic Dolls.  Seeing the hutongs this time is like seeing the kites.


Taxi Battles in a Global City

Though she queers contentiously at me, teeth bared and designer bag threateningly aimed in my general direction, I am not intimidated. The cold, ominous and tormenting, serves as a reminder that I cannot be stopped. Even my arms, laden with heavy shopping bags, are transformed into advantageous weapons as I push through crowds of loitering Beijing natives. The silent tension permeating my interaction with the random female Beijinger poised at my side is solely a result of our mutual desire for a cab.

Belligerence is profoundly redefined on the vast thoroughfares of Beijing. In the eager quest to hail down the ever yearned for taxi, one must prepare for passive aggressive battle.

I myself have already identified her greatest potential weakness: four inch heeled boots. She tacitly contemplates the prospects of outrunning my luggage heavy self. As an empty taxi rounds the corner, we both lunge brutishly, arms flailing with passion. My savage running unknowingly works against me, however, when my scarf plummets to the ground. In despair, I consider leaving it. But it is my favorite scarf, and material love beats out my desperate need for transportation. As I begrudgingly come to a halt, something catches my eye.

A middle-aged man, toddler propped on hip, is sprinting wildly towards the vacant taxi. My competitor has unwittingly slowed her pace, smirking at my obvious defeat. Within seconds, what was once a vacant taxi is now filled with man and baby. As the vehicle apathetically meanders off onto the congested highway, the back window rolls down and the man waves a smug goodbye. He had a child, I reason, somewhat resentfully. The person with the child always wins. Though I initially relish in my contender’s blatant failure at catching a ride, I find myself smiling at her in sympathetic understanding. Almost instantly, we have inaudibly bonded over our transportation struggles. No language needed.

In Beijing, a place where I lack the Chinese language skills to communicate effectively, I am finding the city lifestyle to serve as a bridge to more mutual understanding. Saskia Sassen’s notion of the global city- cities becoming more uniform due to the expanding influence of the global economy- is increasingly less abstract.  Even in far-off, eastern China, urban processes are more or less similar to that of the North American, South American and Middle Eastern cities I have resided in. City etiquette, however, is sometimes very foreign and bewildering. The verbal aggressiveness of catching a cab in New York City is disconcerting in the face of the rather removed forcefulness that Beijing locals exhibit in competing for transportation. Sly maneuvering should be done in quiet reticence here, I have witnessed, unless one’s vanity is being defaced.  The Beijing Olympics may have made for a more organized and foreigner-friendly city within the taxicab itself, but street interaction gives the city an entirely different countenance. Scratching up those heels and battling wordlessly with nearby city-goers seem to be a Beijing given in the face-off for a simple ride home.

 

 

China’s Consumerist Culture

Wandering through the indoor alleys of knock off shoe lines, I was captivated by the façade of glitz and glamour. From “real” leather belts to “brand-name” purses, Beijing’s Silk Market showcased hundreds and thousands of consumer products. Everything about the Silk Market – from its name to the location of the building to the culture of the vendors – flashed western consumerism to me.

After hearing the words “Silk Market,” I immediately thought of the Silk Road that connected Persian merchants to China. During the Han Dynasty, China traded silk with India in exchange for precious stones. Hundreds of years later, Chinese vendors are selling counterfeit silk products to Persian and Indian tourists.

The location of the Silk Market is also strategically placed. The Silk Market is connected to the basement of Yonganli subway station, meaning that one does not have to even walk outside to access the market. Western consumerism is literally at the footsteps of thousands of people who commute through Yonganli subway station.

Lastly, running behind monetary success has influenced the Silk Market culture and how the vendors interact with their customers. The vendors often start with a price about 5-10 times higher than the final selling price. One shoe seller told me that I looked half-Chinese. Another vendor told me that she would not sell the product in question for such a cheap price to her sister. A friend of mine was looking for a wallet. The wallet salesman took out a lighter and passed the wallet through the flame trying to prove that the wallet was made of real leather. When my friend expressed that he wanted a synthetic leather wallet, the same vendor passed another wallet through the flame and said it did not burn because it was synthetic leather. From flattery to fibs, the vendors employ any possible tactic to facilitate a transaction.

After China moved from a command economy to a market economy, it joined the World Trade Organization which required China to liberalize and deregulate its market. This has resulted in an increase in entrepreneurs and an emergence of a western consumerist culture in China. I guess what strikes me most is the disconnect between the image of Chinese people I had growing up and the image of Chinese people I have now. As a young child, I had imagined the romanticized Chinese rice patty farmers who lived a life of moderation. Coming to China now, I have begun to understand that the Chinese have much in common with Americans. I don’t see anything strange about trying to make more money or increase one’s standard of living. After all, gaining financial stability does not only bring in material assets but also ensures better educational and health outcomes for one’s children. Throughout my time in Beijing, I hope to better understand the complexities of China’s consumerist culture.Image

 

Repost from the Duke Chronicle: China rising

The following column by Kristen Lee was published in the Duke Chronicle on March 26, 2012.

The clanking of mahjong tiles shuffling across the velvet tablecloth. The soft swishing of the calligraphy brush sweeping out beautiful Chinese characters on the sidewalk. The sight of red paper couplets painted on doors to express hopes for the New Year. As I walk through a Beijing “hutong,” an alley filled with courtyard residences, my nostalgic yearning for old Beijing is abruptly interrupted by radio music blasting from cycle-rickshaws carrying camera-snapping tourists zooming through the neighborhood.

Hutongs are a dying breed of neighborhoods, save a few for cultural preservation and tourist appreciation. New urban development, skyscraper apartments and pedestrian walkways could be welcome changes from the overcrowding, poor heating and unsanitary conditions that are common in most hutong urban slums. But I cannot get over the violence of the chai symbol, meaning “to destroy” or “destruction,” marked on crops of old buildings set for demolition. Racing down the Beijing highway I see the chai characters painted in dripping blue across the tiled wall of a storefront whose time is up… whose fate is sealed.

Before the 1980s, China had little skyline because it was believed that tall buildings would prevent the passage of spirits. Today the tallest building in Beijing, the China World Trade Center Tower 3, glitters at a striking 74 stories and the towering Chinese Building District high-rises are more the rule than exception. But, urban development does not simply entail change to the physical structures. With the destruction of hutongs, so too came the destruction of a neighborhood community and families forced out by construction companies. Many families’ protests demanding fair compensation for their relocation fall on deaf ears within the government, while their former addresses become $1 million properties that imitate the old Chinese architecture they replace.

This changing urban landscape is more than geographic rearrangement; it is symptomatic of a new China. This past January, China confirmed for the first time that its 690.79 million people living in urban areas exceeded its rural population. With the massive urban migration, a consumer-driven society has erupted. In the swanky Village North, a shopping district reminiscent of Manhattan’s Upper East Side, giant video billboards show fashion models strutting on the runway. Retail stores have clothing priced higher than a month’s food stipend. Walking down the street toward the Xitucheng subway station, music advertising McDonald’s ice cream lulls me into a disconcerting sense of happiness. The number of Apple stores and KFC restaurants makes giving directions based on these landmarks meaningless. And trying to keep up with the fashionable Beijing women is too daunting and exhausting a task for me to realistically ponder, even with the easy accessibility of knock-off Longchamp purses, Tory Burch shoes and Hunter rain boots. The saying “Keeping up with the Jones” takes on a whole new meaning when we speak of “Keeping Up with Beijingers.”

It is easy to become intoxicated with the consumerism of this global city, but I wonder about the original Communist plans for the city and their vision of Beijing as an industrial capital, not a parasite on the rest of the country. The over-extraction of underground water in Beijing has compelled the country to develop projects to bring in external sources of water. The pollution in Beijing as reported by the U.S. Embassy is an alarming PM 2.5. Over the past few months, smog pollution has become so bad that planes have been grounded due to decreased visibility. As an American raised in a consumer-driven economy, to say that Beijing has gone too far in its search of capitalist enterprises is a bit like the pot calling the kettle black. And yet the momentum of Chinese desire for more electronic goods, savvy fashions and luxury vehicles seems only to be speeding up.

In Tom Scoccaa’s book “Beijing Welcomes You: Unveiling the Capital City of the Future,” Scoccaa speaks of three Beijings: a moneyed artificial one, a wretched and broken one and a live and bustling one. He argues that the challenge is not to be fooled into thinking that Beijing is only one of those three, despite how easy it is “to stand in each one, any one, and believe you were seeing the true thing.” In traveling from India to China in my study abroad, I heard someone emphasize how I would be able to compare where developing countries are coming from and where they are going. With the 2008 Olympic Games, China has arrived. I am, however, increasingly reluctant to wholeheartedly characterize its arrival as “progress” for the world or the Chinese people. After living a week in this global city, I must disagree with Scoccaa and worry that the real Beijing and the true China is becoming increasingly the money-eyed, artificial one.